MIZOTE KAN HARHCHHUAH A NGAI

 

India ram khua leh tui nih theihna dan siamthat tumna Citizenship Amendment Bill hi tun thlasik Parliament inkhawm neih turah hian kan MP ten dan thar ni tura pawm an tum tih Mizo mipui te hian kan hria em aw? He Bill hi Act a nih chuan Bangladesh atanga Mizoram rawn lut ru Chakma zawng zawng te hi danin a ngaidam vek dawn a, Mizorama kum 6 an lo awm tlin tawh chuan India ram khua leh tui nihna an nei thei vek dawn bawk a ni. Chakma foreigner kan tih zawng zawng te hi foreigner ni tawh lovin India ram khua leh tui an ni vek tawh anga, Scheduled Tribe nihna dan ang thlapin an nei vek dawn bawk a ni. He dan siamthat tumna hi nasa taka kan ram leh hnam nghawng thei tur a ni a, Mizo mipuite hian thalo kan ti a nih chuan tun hi ngaihdan sawihona hun mai pawh ni tawhlo, a cheta chet hun a ni e.

 

Citizenship Amendment Bill hi nikum July 19 khan Home Minister Pu Rajnath Singh-a'n Lok Sabha-ah a pu lut a. MP thenkhat rawtna avangin pass tura ruahman vek tawh kha chiang zawka zir a nih theih nan Home Minister-in Joint Parliamentary Committee hnena thlen turin a ti leh ta zawk a. Lok Sabha website-a a lan dan chuan Parliament thlasik inkhawm (winter session) kar hmasa bera report thehlut tura tih a ni. Rajya Sabha ah pawh he rawtna pawm a ni a, Chairman atan Uttar Pradesh MP Dr.Satyapal Singh-a chu August 23, 2016 atang khan ruat a ni.

 

He Joint Parliamentary Committee ah hian Lok Sabha MP 20 leh Rajya Sabha MP 10 an awm a. Amendment Bill zirchianga report thehlut tura tih an nih angin hna an thawk nghal a. Thutkhawm pawh vawi 7 lai neiin, study tour pawh vawi 2 an nei a ni. Assam-a study tour neih an tum erawh an thulh. A lan dan chuan tunah hian hna an thawk zo tawh a, report pawh an peih tawha ngaih a ni. Chumi report hmang chuan Parliament ah sawihova MP te pawm tura putluh a ni ang. 

 

Mizo lal te leh politics lama harh hmasa ram hruaitute khan British hovin India rama ro an rel tawp lama an buaipui ber chu Mizote awm zel dan tur a ni a. Kan hruaitu hmasate khan Chakma chungchang hi, an hun lai khan ngaihmawh tham a nih lutuk loh avang te’n, ngaihmawhah an lo nei lo. Mizo hnam hmalam tur thlira an thutkhawm reng reng khan Chakma chungchang hi an rel ngai meuh lo nia hriat a ni a. India ram zalen dawn tep August 14, 1947-a Superintendent LL Peters-a hova Mizo mipui aiawh te’n Mizo hnam hmalam tur an ngaihtuah pawh khan Chakma chungchang hi rel tel a ni lo a ni.

 

Constituent Assembly-in a din Advisory Committee hnuaia Sub-Committee pakhat “Bardoloi Committee” tia hriat kha Mizo te hmalam tur min rel pui tura India sorkar leh Assam sorkar aiawhtu a ni a. Assam rama tlang mite hmakhua ngaihtuahin Committee member te khan hna an thawk nasa hle. India ramin zalenna a neih hma deuh April 16, 1947 khan Aizawl ah pawh rawn kalin, Assam state chhunga Hills District danga an tih ang bawkin, Lushai Hills aiawh tur member pahnih Pu Ch Saprawnga leh Pu Khawtinkhuma te Committee ah an rawn telh a. Ni hnih chhung Mizo mipuite duhdan ngaithlain Aizawlah hun an hmang a, Mizo mipui aiawh hrang hrangte’n Mizo te duh leh mamawh nia an hriatte chu Committee hnena an thlen a. Thil tam tak an sawiho pui a, amaherawhchu Chakma chungchang kha tu pawl mahin Bardoloi Committee hmaah khan an sawilan hriat a ni lo a ni. Thla 4 hnuah India ram a zalen a, Mizo te pawh India ramah kan bet a. Chakma chungchang kha ngaihtuah loh in a awm zui ni berin a lang.

 

Tlangmi hnam hnufual kan nihna kha India ram hruaitute khan an hmuchiang a, 1950 khan Dr. BR Ambedkar-a te’n India rama hnam hnufual (tribal) ho humhalhna tura hma an lakna kalzelah Constitution Article 342(1)-na hmangin sorkar laipuiin The Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order, 1950 chu a tichhuak a, hnam hnufual hlawm hrang hrang te chu Scheduled Tribe nihna dan hmanga pek kan lo ni ta a ni. Tun hmaa kan la nih ngai loh nihna thar Scheduled Tribe nihna chu India ram danpui meuh hmanga nemngheh a ni a. India sorkar hruaitu hmasa te hmathlir thuina kha Mizo te tana thil lawmawm tak a ni. Amaherawhchu, Mizo mipui ten kan ngaihtuah ngai loh pakhat a awm a. Kha Order chhuah ruala “mikhual” tia kan lo sawi thin Chakma te pawh kan tlukpui Scheduled Tribe nihna ang chiah pek an ni kha a ni. Chakma te hi Mizoram leilung fa ni lo mah se, leilung fa Mizo te nen India sorkar dan hnuaiah chuan intluk chiaha dah kan ni.

 

Kha Order tihchhuah lai khan Assam State ah kan la awm a. Assam Governor chu Indian Freedom Fighter, Karachi khuaa piang Jairamdas Daulatram (27 May, 1950 – 14 May, 1956 ) a ni. A hma chiahin Sri Prakasha (16 February, 1949 – 26 May, 1950) chu Governor a ni a. Ronald Francis (30 December, 1948 – 15 February, 1949) leh Sir Akbar Hydari (4 May, 1947 – 28 December, 1948) te pawh rei lo te te Assam ah Governor an ni. Order tihchhuah ni Sept 6, 1950-a Assam Chief Minister chu Pu Bishnu Ram Medhi (9 Aug 1950- 27 Dec 1957) a ni a. Ani hi Chief Minister Pu Gopinath Bordoloi (11 Feb 1946 - 6 Aug 1950) dawt chiaha CM a ni. 1950-a India ram President chu Dr Rajendra Prasad a ni a. 1950-a Prime Minister chu hriat theuh angin Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru a ni.

Hun kal tawha thil awm dan kan zir chuan kha’ng ram hruaitute khan an theihtawpin keini hnam hnufual zawk te hmakhua min ngaihsak a tih loh theih loh a, kan Mizo hruaitu hmasa te pawh khan an theih tawkin Mizo hnam hmalam tur ngaihtuahin a tha ber nia an hriat kawngah min hruai an tum a ni tih kan pawm tlang thei ang. Amaherawhchu, India ram hruaitute leh Mizo hruaitute khan Mizo mipui te kha Chakma chungchang min lo sawipui ta se Arunachal Pradesh mipuiin Chakma te nena intluka awm an duhloh bur ang hian 1950 ah khan Scheduled Tribe-a telh kha kan duh bik kherlo mai thei a ni.  

 

Sawihona awm mang miah lovin India sorkar thuchhuak chuan Tribe List ah Chakma te nen ek saman-in min dah a. Dodal theih a ni a, kan dodal lova. Tih danglam theih a ni a, kan MP hmasa ber Pu Ch Saprawnga hunlai atanga tuna kan MP Pu CL Ruala hun thleng hian Mizoram mipui aiawh thlantlin hruaitute hian an buaipui hriat a la ni lo a ni. State sorkar kan lo neih tawhte pawhin. Tin, mipui pawhin kan la sawiho lo hrim hrim a ni. 2017-a kan sawi berte chu “Chakma-te hi Mizoram mi an nilo, indigenous an nilo, Category I ah an awm thei lo” tih te a ni a. Mahse, a nihna takah chuan 1950 Order ah khan Category I kan lo siamah hian an tel daih tawh zawk a, kum 67 hnua paih leh tum hi Constitution kan tidanglam dawn a nih loh chuan thil theih loh a ni. Tin, Scheduled Tribe an nihna hi Constitution siam thain lo paih pawh ni ta reng ila, Mizorama pianga seilian, an pute hunlai atanga awm tawh te phei chu Category I dan kan siam hmang hian kan hnawl a remlo lehzual a ni tih 2000-a Bhanu Choudhury vs State of Mizoram thubuai High Court in a remna kan en chuan a chiang viau mai. Ram leilungfa dik tak tih hi dan mitah chuan a pawimawh (relevant) ber lova, Scheduled Tribe nihna hian a tak takah chuan dikna chanvo a keng deuh vek zawk a ni. Chuvang chuan ram leilungfa tih chungchanga inhnialna atthlak angreng tak hi kan kalsan a, 1950 atanga Chakma-te ram leilungfate tluk chiaha siam an nih tawhna hi kan pawm a, inchhawr tawn zawnga khawsakho dan kan zawn tlan a pawimawh a ni. Mizo te tan khami kuma Scheduled Tribe-a puan an lo ni kha a pawi em em a, mahse kan tihsual kha a nawhreh theih tawh loh a ni. Siam danglam theih a ni a, mahse Chakma-te Scheduled Tribe atanga paih leh tur hian Mizote hian hma kan la la lova. Chutiang chuan hmalak tum pawh ni ila, tih theihloh tluk, thil har tak a ni ang. Dan mit atanga en hi chuan Mizoram mi leh sa diktak Chakma te phei hi chu Schedule Tribe nih phu tak te pawh an ni zawk awm e.

 

Chakma chungchangah hian tih theih a tam lutuk lova, tih theih nei lo erawh kan ni lo. 2017-a Mizo mipuiten tih theih kan neih chu Citizenship Amendment Bill hmanga Chakma ram dangmi sing tam tak India khua leh tui nih theihna tur dodal leh an nih theihlohna tura hmalak hi a ni. Parliament in he Bill hi a pawm chuan Chakma ramdangmi te hi India khua leh tui an ni thup anga, dan ang thlapin Mizoram mi leh sa an ni tawh dawn a ni. Kan MP ten kan aiawha an dodal a tul a, Mizoram sorkar pawhin a dodal a tul. Mizo mipui zawng zawngin he Bill hi tun anga pawm tur a nih chuan kan dodal a tul bawk a ni. Kan dodal anga, rawtna kan thlen anga, chumi chhungin The Foreigner Act hmangin Chakma foreigner kan finfiah theih zawng zawng thawn haw theih te hi thawn haw turin sorkar hotuten Brig Thenphunga leh Pi Indira-i te sorkar laia hmalakna ang khan hma an la thei a ni. Action kan la lo a nih chuan kan tu leh faten min la dem ang a, kan ramah hian Chakma leh Mizo te inkarah innghirnghona nasa tak a thleng ang. Hnam leh hnam inbeihna tak tak te pawh thleng thei a ni.

 

Chakma te a pawngapuia huat emaw "haw vek rawh se" tih ang rilru put hi thil dik a ni lova. Mizo Kristian te tan phei chuan kan Pathian ngeiin thupek pawimawh ber dawttu a sawi mahni anga vengte hmangaih nen a inkalh bur a ni. Tin, kan Lalpa Isua’n tualthah nena intluka a sawi chu unau huat hi a ni a. Tualthah chu Thupek sawm zinga Lalpa Pathianin a phalloh a ni. Sap ho hun lai atang tawh khan Mizo lal te khan Chakma te hi kan rama chen an lo remti tawh a (Mizo nilo Mizoram mi-a pawmin), vawiina hnawhchhuah vek duh pawl a tak taka tawng te ang hian kan pi leh pute leh an lal te khan ngaihtuahna mawl leh sual an pu lo a ni. Amaherawhchu kan Mizo lalte leh a hnua rawn awptu Sap sipai lal te khan an khuahkhirh nasa hle thung. Chakma zawng zawng huaa Bangladesh-a thawn haw vek duhna rilru ang chi hi a Mizo lova, a Kristian lo bawk a ni.

 

Chakma chungchangah hian kum 67 laiin kan tlai tawh a. Mahse, mak deuh chu vawiin thleng hian awmze neia hmalakna hi Mizo te hian kan la nei chuang lo a ni. A boruak a rawn alh hian kan sawi deuh vek a, mahse a tiha tak tih hi a la awm meuh lo. MZP leh Mizo mipui thinrimna hi quota-ah chauh a tawp chuan kan buaina bul zawk – dan lova Chakma te Mizoram rawn luh chungchang - hi kan chingfel ngai lovang. Quota phei chu India sorkarin Mizo te tan nilo Mizoram mipui te tana min pek a ni a, a chang tam ber tur kan nih theih laiin mi zawng zawng tana “fair” lo zawnga dan kan lo insiam hi kan tan zawk hian a reiah a tha lova, court phei chuan a remti lo a ni tih kan hria. Chakma te hi kan nekchep nasat poh leh India sorkar leh khawvel hmaah thiam an chang anga, dan pel deuh reuhva kan beih nasat leh lutuk phei chuan ram te pawh hi kan chan duai thei a ni tih kan hriat a pawimawh awm e. Nupa inrem thei hlawllo hi inneia awm reng ai chuan inthen fel te pawh a tha zawk fova, Chakma te nen hian inremna kawng zawng lo zawnga kan pawr chuan inthathen hi a finthlak mai thei. 

 

Citizenship Amendment Bill hi Parliament-a an pharh a, an pawm chuan Mizorama Chakma foreigner tam tak awm ngeia kan hriatte hi kum khuaa India ram khua leh tui ni tawh tur leh state quota pawh min tawmpui zel tawh turin India ram danpuiin Scheduled Tribe nihna a pe ang a, 1950-a Mizo te Scheduled Tribe nihna ang chiah pek an nih laia Mizo mipuiten kan sawiho lo anga 2017 ah pawh he Bill-in a nghawng tur hi kan sawiho loh a India ram dan siamtu (kan Mizo MP te pawh telin) ten an pawm chuan "Chakma foreigner" thawn haw tur hi kan ramah an awm tawh lovang. India khua leh tui an ni vek tawh dawn a ni.

 

Central sorkarin he Bill a duan hi Chakma te huat vang nilovin Mizo te leh Mizoram mi leh sa dik tak Chakma-te tan pawh a thatloh theih dawn avangin Mizoram mipui zawng zawngin kan do a tul takzet a ni. Thla tam pawh a awm tawh lo. Kan MP te pahnih leh Mizoram sorkar hi hemi thuah chuan an demawm viau naa, tunah hi chuan in demna hun pawh kan nei tawh chiah lo a ni. Ram leh hnam tan thukhat vuaa tanrual a ngai tawh zawk a ni. Mizoram/India khua leh tui dik tak Chakma te pawh kan lama tang tura kan sawm a, duhthlanna kan siamtir an ngai. Chakma ramdang mi te India khua leh tui nih tir hi Mizo ten kan duhloh tlat avangin chutianga hmalakna chu anmahni tan pawh hian a thalo a ni tih kan hrilhhriat a ngai. Chakma foreigner leh foreigner lo zawng zawng hi Mizo zinga firfiak pawlten an phek huat mek a, Mizoram Chakma te hian Bangladesh Chakma te nen an inanglo a ni tih an auchhuahpui loh chuan an pianna rama awm siin nasa taka nekchep leh huat an hlawh tel thei a ni.

 

He Bill chungchanga rawtna thlen theih hun Joint Parliamentary Committee-in a siam (Sept 30, 2016) kha pel duai tawh mah se, Mizo mipuite hian kan duhna leh duhlohna hi India sorkar dan siamtute leh hotute khu kan hriattir ngei ngei a pawimawh. 1950 ah Mizo mipui min sawiho pui lovin Chakma-te Scheduled Tribe nihna kan hmuh rualin India sorkarin a lo pe tawh a, 2017 ah hian kan ngaihdan la lovin dan an siam kan remti thei lovang. He Bill hi NDA sorkar hmalakna lian tak a ni a, an chhuang viau mai thei. Mahse 2017 ah pass ngei ngei nachhan tur a awm chuang lova, min nghawng ve tlat avangin report lo peihfel vek tawh pawh nise kan sawiho leh phawt hi a ngai a ni. Mipui rorelnaa mipui ber remtihna tel lova mipui aiawh roreltuten ro an rel hi democracy kalphung kalh a ni a. Mizo mipuite hriatpuina leh remtihna tel lova he Bill pawm tum hi kan do tlat tur a ni ang.

 

Joint Parliamentary Committee-in sitting vawi 7 a neih khan thahnemngai pawl hrang hrang leh state sorkar aiawhte pawhin an ngaihdan leh rawtna te an thlen a. Rajasthan leh Gujarat state ah phei chuan he Committee hian a hmunah te kalin Bardoloi Committee-in a tih ang chiah khan public hearing mumal tak te pawh a nei a ni. Assam Chief Minister chuan Assam state-a public hearing nei turin Joint Parliamentary Committee hi nikum khan an state-a study tour nei turin a sawm a, amaherawhchu engemaw vangin an thulh. Arunachal Pradesh ah chuan all-party meeting-in June thla khan Chakma te khua leh tui nih tir theihna dan hi an dodal bur thu an puang a, Assam ah pawh an zirlai pawlin an duhloh thu an auchhuah pui nasa hle. Mizo mipuiten kan hriat loh in he dan siam danglam tumna hi a lo kal mup mup tawh a nih ber chu.

 

Engvanginnge Mizoram sorkar hotute, opposition MLA leh kan MP te pahnih hian he Bill hi vawiin thlengin Mizo mipui min la sawiho pui loh? He Bill hian nasa takin kan ram leh hnam a nghawng dawn tih kan hriat si chuan engatinge a zirchiang tura din Joint Parliamentary Committee hi Chakma area ah te pawh thil awmdan rawn zirchiang tura kan phut loh? Pu Nehru-a khan khan kan chhiatna tur kha a duh kher lovanga, chutiang bawkin Pu Modi-a pawh hian kan chhiatna tur hi a duh bik kher lovang. Amaherawhchu, India sorkar hmalakna hi kan ram leh hnam tan a himloh avangin kan remti lo a ni tih kan Prime Minister pawh hi chiang taka kan hriattir a ngai.

 

Engtinnge kan dinhmun hrechiang lovin central sorkar khuan kan chungchang a rel ngawt theih ang? Engvangin nge Mizo mipui te hian chutianga rorel hnan nih chu kan phal ang? Quota chungchanga Chakma te’n kan chanvo min chuhpui nia kan ngaih avanga law and order buaina thleng tawh leh thleng thei kan hria a; dan ang thlapin India ram khua leh tui, Scheduled Tribe nihna hi pek ni ta vek se kan buaina tur hi Saikhumphai let sawm vel a ni thei awm e! 

HOW DEMOCRACY WORKS AND WHY WE CAN CHANGE IT

Mitt Romney was a failed Republican candidate because of various reasons but during his campaign, an interesting reality of how democracy works emerged. And as Sir Winston Churchill once said, "Many forms of government have been tried and will be tried in this world of sin and woe. No one pretends that democracy is perfect or all wise. Indeed, it has been said that democracy is the worst form of government, except for all the others that have been tried from time to time."

True. Democracy has many flaws and it is very bad when it is misused. And it has clear vulnerabilities.

In 2012, Republican Presidential candidate Mitt Romney's failing chances of getting elected got worse in the middle of the presidential election season when his remarks at a private fundraiser about the truth of the relationship between certain voters and the government was leaked. He spoke the truth but the truth he spoke, in large part, wrecked his campaign because it hurt the sentiments of the masses whose relationship with the government was exposed. In democracy, votes matter. And Romney's remarks did not win him more votes.

Romney said, "There are 47 percent of the people who will vote for the president no matter what. All right, there are 47 percent who are with [Barack Obama], who are dependent upon government, who believe that they are victims, who believe that government has a responsibility to care for them, who believe that they are entitled to health care, to food, to housing, to you name it. That that’s an entitlement. And the government should give it to them. And they will vote for this president no matter what. And I mean, the president starts off with 48, 49, 48—he starts off with a huge number. These are people who pay no income tax. Forty-seven percent of Americans pay no income tax. So our message of low taxes doesn’t connect. And he’ll be out there talking about tax cuts for the rich. I mean that’s what they sell every four years. And so my job is not to worry about those people—I’ll never convince them that they should take personal responsibility and care for their lives. What I have to do is convince the 5 to 10 percent in the center that are independents that are thoughtful, that look at voting one way or the other depending upon in some cases emotion, whether they like the guy or not, what it looks like. I mean, when you ask those people…we do all these polls—I find it amazing—we poll all these people, see where you stand on the polls, but 45 percent of the people will go with a Republican…"

Basically, Romney observed that to the roughly 47% of Americans who do not pay any income tax, his campaign about not raising taxes would really not matter because for them, high or low income tax rates make no difference!

What drove the liberals and Democrats nuts was what he said about the 47% of people in America who are dependent upon the government for part or all of their livelihood - food, shelter, education and clothing. He was right; no matter what he campaigned on, there was a solid group of people who would ALWAYS vote for Obama because Obama represented the system that allowed them to continue depending on the government and the government, in turn, depended on them for votes. Yes, votes really matter in politics.

Romney calls these folks "victims" of the government because they almost entirely depend on the government for livelihood and the government knows when to attract their attention as if it cares for them when, in reality, it uses them to get elected.

Last week, Zoram Exodus Movement leader K.Sapdanga noted at a public meeting that in next year's election, we will have to choose

- Whether we want to be self-sufficient or be content with freebies from the government.
- Whether we want more of the same or a new path.
- Whether we want to live poor but relaxed or rich and hardworking.
- Whether we want a strong collective and accountable leadership or another autocratic rule that people don't even dare to question, much less change.

In democracy, it is not always the competent that have the upper hand. Often, it is the lowlifes that rule. Unfortunately, the system often allows for lovers of power and lovers-of-themselves to win elections and voters often fail to recognise the perpetual entrapment. And every five years, we keep repeating the same mistake.

This destructive system of governance can only end when we the people, the voters, wake up and demand accountability and competent leadership that truly works to lift us out of dependency and into self-sufficiency.

According to political and judicial analyst Andrew Napolitano, "Dependency breeds a sense of complacency and entitlement and fosters a government that -- in order to stay in power -- will further that dependency. Thomas Jefferson and Alexander Hamilton agreed on little publicly, but they did agree that when the public treasury becomes a public trough and the voters recognize that, they will send to the government only those who promise them a bigger piece of the government pie."

This is how democracy usually works, unfortunately. But we can elect people who will not simply promise a bigger share of the government pie next year but those who will lift us out of the economic mud and mire we are in.

Guess what government programs have not lifted the masses out of poverty? The New Land Use Policy. And guess which party is trying to out-do the Congress government's multi-million dollar freebie program? None other than the MNF. (Where the Congress promised Rs.1 lakh, the MNF promised Rs.3 lakhs!)

We may not have the knights in shining armour at the moment but the Congress and MNF party, in their present form, are definitely not the answer to Mizoram's problems. It will be a real uphill battle for reformers but we, the people, can and should hope for self-sufficiency and not be content with freebies from the government that only last five years. We should want no more of the same, we should chart a new path or perish. Government freebies and money-making programs may give us temporary calm but if we continue this path, we will live in perpetual debt and poverty. Only hardwork will make us a wealthy society.

Perhaps our biggest problem is the way our party system works - rule of the few (or one!). We need a strong collective, accountable and democractic leadership in every party and definitely in the government. We need to reject autocratic rule. Remember, representatives of the majority of the Mizo people resolved to abolish autocratic rule way back in 1952 and actually had it abolised through legislation two years later. We cannot go back to a system of governance where one man rules over many and the people have no say.

WOMEN'S COMMISSION ORDER LEH BCM

Thla hmasa ni 16 Zirtawpni khan Mizoram State Commission for Women Chairperson Pi Vanlalawmpuii Chawngthu kaihhruaina hnuaia ngaihtuah, Mizoram Baptist Kohhranin kum 2008 Assembly rorelnaa a lo pawm tawh pastor nupui full-time a hnathawh khapna chu Mizoram Baptist Kohhran ngaihtuah that leh tura ngenna order tihchhuah a ni a. He order ah hian a hmalama Commission leh Mizoram Baptist Kohhran lo indawr tawhnaa kohhran lamin a insawifiahnate awm mah se, kohhran rorelna hi hmeichhiate chanvo palzutna leh tawrhna thlentuah Commission-in a hriat avangin rorel "fuh chiahlo" ah a ngaih thu a lang a. Thutlukna siamah hian "General Assembly ah a rang thei ang bera ngaihtuah tha leh turin Mizoram State Commission for Women chuan Baptist Church of Mizoram (BCM) chu a ngenin a beisei" tih a tarlang a ni.

Mizoramah hian kan buaina lian ber pakhat chu danin ro a rel thinlo hi a ni a. Dan berin ro a relloh chuan a huai huai, a pawr pawr, a tam tam rorelna ramah a chang thin a ni. Chu chu sorkar rorelnaah kan hmu a, khawtlang rorelnaah pawh kan hmu a, kohhranah pawh chutiang tho chu a ni tih hi a chhunga thawkten an hrechiang ber awm e. Inbih chian chuan dan rorelna "rule of law" a awmlo a ni tih kan hmu thei ang Mizoramah hian.

Sawi ang khian kan khawsakhonaah leh kohhranten rawng kan bawlhonaah dan berin ro a rel loh chuan thil a nih tur ang a ni thei lova, hmangaihna dan hmanga ro kan rel loh phei chuan khawsakhona hrehawm tak oppressive system ah tuma min awpbeh nilovin keimahni leh keimahni kan indah tihna a ni ang. Chutiang chu mi pangngai leh Pathian tih te chuan theihtawpin kan do tur a ni a, zalenna boruak duhawm tak hnuaia kan chenho theih hi kohhranah phei chuan kan thlakhlelh tur ber te zinga mi a ni awm e.

Commission in order a tihchhuahah hian 2008-a BCM Assembly Thurel 1.21(3)-na chu a rang thei ang bera ngaihtuah tha leh turin a ti a, mahse BCM constitution atanga en chuan BCM Assembly-a thu ngaihtuah tur thlen theite zinga mi a nih loh avangin BCM dan chuan thu tlinga ngaih loh tur a ni. Amaherawhchu, Commission hi Mizoram State Commission for Women Act 2004 in civil court thuneihna a pek angin India ram khua leh tui hmeichhia te dikna chanvo humhalh tura thuneihna pek a ni a, civil court thuneihna pek a nih avangin a thu ngaihtuah leh thu tihtlukna (order) te hi court thuchhuak tluka ngaih tur a nihna a awm awm e.

BCM hian dan a nei a, chu'ng te chu constitution ah zam a ni. Constitution in a sawi dan chuan "Assembly hi Mizoram Baptist Kohhran rorelna sang ber a nih avangin, thu ngaihtuah tul apiang a ngaihtuah ang. A thu tihtluk chu Assembly hnuaia rorelna dangin a tidanglam thei lovang" tih a ni a. Hei hi hriain Commission hian Assembly ah ngaihtuah nawn leh turin a hriattir a ni.

Assembly thurel nisi, Assembly in a ngaihtuah remchanglo a awm chuan constitution hian Assembly Executive Committee (AEC) hnenah thuneihna a pe a. BCM constitution in a sawi dan chuan "Assembly aiawha thu pawimawh ngaihtuah turin Assembly Executive Committee a awm ang" tih a ni.

He Committee pawimawh tak hi BCM constitution vekin a sawidan chuan "Assembly leh Assembly inkara thu ngaihtuah tul leh pawimawhte a ngaihtuah ang" tih a ni a. "Assembly chauhin a ngaihtuah theih, a tul avanga a ngaihtuah chuan Assembly-ah pawmpui turin a thlen ang. Assembly-in ngaihtuah tura a pekahte chuan Assembly aiawhin thutawp a siam thei ang. Assembly thu tihtluk tawhte chu a tidanglam thei lovang.

Tun hi Assembly rorel hun a nih loh avang leh Commission in a rang thei ang bera ngaihtuah tura a tih avang hian kohhran danin a sawi angin AEC hi a ngaihtuah tur chu a lo ni ta a, a tihdanglam erawh kohhran danin a phalloh avangin tidanglam lovin a tikhawtlai thei thung a ni. Assembly leha ngaihtuah turin. Chumi hma zawng chu he 2008 Assembly Thurel hi hman (implement leh enforce) loh tura ngaih a ni. Assembly leh hma thlenga hman zui a nih chuan Commission order hian awmzia tehchiam a nei lo tihna a ni ang.

Assembly Executive Committee (AEC) member te hi an rual angreng a:

1) BCM Puipate

2) Head of Department te

3) Head of institution te

4) President kal chhuak

5) General Secretary kalchhuak

6) Executive Secretary te

7) Pastoral Coordinator

8) MTKP Organiser

9) MBKHP Organiser

10) BCM Office Superintendent te

11) ABC tin atanga member thlan 2

12) Pastor Bial tin atanga member thlan 2

13) Assembly thlan member 5

He'ng kohhran hruaitute hian Commission order hi Assembly leha ngaihtuah that a nih theihna turin a rang thei ang berin an ngaihtuah a ngai dawn tihna a ni. Kar thum dawn chu AEC hian he order chungchang hi a la ngaihtuah lo nia hriat a ni.

INDIA'S FOOTBALL CHAMPIONS AND INDIA'S FOOTBALL BOSSES

Sunday, 30th April 2017: Aizawl FC becomes I-League champions.

Monday, 1st May 2017: AIFF General Secretary Kaushal Das tells media this shocker:

"Look, even if Aizawl FC do not play in the country's top league, it doesn't mean that the road ends for them. They can still play in the second division, and continue to grow their club there. We will show even the second division matches live on television, and not just the top league. So, Aizawl FC need not lose heart even if they are not part of the league. We will need to sit down with all our partners and see what best suits Indian football as well as everyone else. 

Kaushal Das also said the decision on the merged league will need to be taken "really quickly."

However, he also said, "It teaches everyone involved in Indian football a lesson that clubs can still be successful if they have the vision, organisation and structure in place even with little money. Indian football needed this shot in the arm."

Tuesday, 2nd May 2017: Daily News and Analysis reporter Rutvick Mehta reports from Mumbai at 8:00AM Kaushal Das's remarks. 

Tuesday, 2nd May 2017: Aizawl FC owner Robert Romawia Royte sends a letter to AIFF President Praful Patel.

Wednesday, 3rd May 2017: FIFA President congratulates Aizawl FC.

Early in the morning,at 4:29 AM, Aizawl FC tweets "fast unto death."

Friday, 5th May 2017: AIFF President Praful Patel told media, “They have sent some letter to me, (but) I have not yet received the letter because they won the I-League three days ago.”

“The road map has not yet been decided for next year. Without anything being decided, today, as we speak, I-League is the official league of India. And if they (Aizawl FC) are the winners of the official league, they will continue to play the I-League, and why are they giving threats?”

According to sportskeeda.com, Patel said, "I am very happy they won, I congratulate them. AIFF's future structure is not even decided and you're [Aizawl] issuing threats. We're not here to listen to people who issue threats. We will take all decisions keeping the good of football in mind. Before anything you're jumping the gun, what is the point?" 

“There is no decision yet taken on the future roadmap of Indian football. Only certain proposals have been floated for discussion. Three days back they've won, their letter has not even reached the AIFF. Aizawl have won the I-League and will continue to play in the I-League. If they're going to make threats, nobody is intimidated by that” 

"Aizawl cannot complain, they have won the I-League only because of the AIFF's decision – a relegated team was included in the league. They should be the last people to complain. They were relegated in 2016, it was AIFF that saw their passion and let them play in the I-League as a special dispensation. If we had not supported them, they would not be playing the I-League.”“Today, nothing is decided. You can only complain if something happens, you cannot complain about a hypothetical situation. If they want to shout, let them shout, we’re not going to be intimidated. AIFF is very transparent and democratic”

Saturday, 6th May 2017: AIFF confirms that there will be no merger of ISL and I-League for atleast 3 years.

SYDNEY MIZO TE LEH DADUHI

Melbourne Mizo Association buatsaihin April 15 khan mi 200 bawr velin Melbourne khawpuiah Khuallian Pi Lalrindiki Khiangte hovin Chapchar Kut hlimawm tak an hmang a. Sydney-a Mizo awm te kan va tel ve thei lo nain Pi Daduhi London haw leh tur Sydney-a zankhat rawn riak chu remchangah lain kan lo kawm thei a, inhmelhriatna leh inkawmna hun tha tak keini lam pawhin lo nei ve thei a, kan lawm hle. A u Pi Zami'n a rawn kalpui a, Sydney Mizo tlangval zuanzang leh tlawmngai Patea pawhin khaw fan leh airport inthlah thlengin a lo buaipui a. A lawmawm hle.

Thawhlehnia an rawn thlen tlaiin office buai tak karah Consul General Pu Vawna leh a thiannu Pi Rosy te pawhin an rawn tawiawm a. Sydney Opera House kawtah inkawmna hun tha tak kan hmang thei a, kan hlimtlang hle. Zan lamah a thalai zual chhangchhe lo deuh chin te nen inkawmna neih chhunzawm a ni a. Zaihona lam neih theih a ni ta chiah lo naa hun hlimawm tak hman a ni

Pi Daduhi Sydney rawn tlawh remchangah lain heta Mizo awm tena pawl kan siam Sydney Mizo Network (SMN)-in interview-na tawite kan nei a. A chhanna te a chhinchhiahtlak hle.

SNM= Sydney Mizo Network
DDI = Daduhi

SMN: Chibai Pi Daduh. Sydney-a Mizo awmte min rawn tlawh a, kan lawm hle mai. Khawvel ram hrang hranga Zofate awmnaah Pathian fakna hla leh hnam hla te sain hun I hmang tawh thin tih kan hria a, tun tumah Australia rama Zofate min rawn tlawh a, Melbourne leh Sydney-a I cham chhungin eng te nge chhinchhiahtlak deuhva I hriat min hrilh thei em?

DDI: Ka cham rei lo bawk a, chhinchhiah tlak vek ni mai hian ka hria. Melbourne bik ah chuan an tanhona leh thawhhona nasa tak khan ka rilru a khawih khawp mai. Program engkim a felfai nuam lutuk. Chuan Sydney ah pawh Mizo thalai bright tak tak ka hmuh khan a thlamuanthlak ka ti nasa. Changkan dan diktakin in changkang a ni. Pa te zara inla high ve tawp in ang lo 😀

SMN: Mizo te hi Pathianin min hmangaih bik ang tein kan in sawi thin a, ramhuai hlauva thingbul lungbul be thin hnam hi Pathian hian engtinnge mal min sawma I hriat dan tawi tein min hrilh thei em?

DDI. Pathian chuan mihring zawng zawng min hmangaih a, kan lo hmangaih let ve chiah hian malsawmna kan lo dawng thin. A khawngaihna kan tan a tawk em em a ni. Missionary lo kal te zara Pathian kan lo hmel hriat ve hi chu khawvel zawng pawhin kan lo changkan phah teh e! Kristian nih kan thlang hi kan duhthlan tawh zawng zawnga la tha ber a ni awm e.

SMN: I pasal fanaute nen ram changkangah awmin tunah pawh khawvela ram hausa leh ram changkang ber pawl Australia ram I rawn tlawh a, he'ng hnam changkang zawkte'na an inrelbawl dan leh a bikin chhungkua an enkawl danah te hian Mizo te'n an tih dan tha engte nge kan entawn ve theiha I hriat?

DDI. Mizo te hian naupang hi chance kan pe lo riau in ka hria, Sap ho hi chu han in hmuhkhawm ni te hian an fate an introduce thlap a, titi naah pawh an telh vek a. Naupang paw'n a idea leh engkim a sawi ngam. An ngai pawimawh thiam bawk. Confidence neih pawh a awl ka ring. Mizo te hi chu awmkhawm naah "naupang te te tawng loh tur" tih te hi kan in zirtir dan a ni tlat a. An lo puitling a, confi chu a har ngawt ang.

SMN: Khawsak nawm zawknan leh dinhmun that zawknana Mizoram leh India ram pawna vak chhuak leh inbengbel thei te hi kan vannei hlein a hriat a, he'ng ram pawna awm te hian Mizoram tan enge kan tih ve theiha I hriat?

DDI. Advice leh ram tha zawka an tih dan sawi tam hi a tha in ka hria, E.g. I han tih thin ang te hi 😊

SMN: Hun tha tak min pek theih avangin kan lawm e. Sydney Mizo Network hmingin duhsakna kan hlan duh che a, I zin kawngah Pathianin vengin awmpui che rawh se.

HINDU NATIONALIST MODI IS RIGHT, THE CONSTITUTION MATTERS

HINDU NATIONALIST MODI IS RIGHT, THE CONSTITUTION MATTERS

"In democracy, there should be discussion. The government has put forward its position. Those who want to digress from triple talaq are instigating people...in the country, lives of Muslim women cannot be allowed to be ruined by triple talaq." These are the words of Prime Minister Narendra Modi on Oct 24 last year at the Maha Parivartan Rally in Mahoba, Uttar Pradesh.

The Prime Minister took a careful but bold step when he injected his view on the nationwide debate on the controversial issue of the "triple talaq" and even urged "TV news channels to not turn triple talaq into an issue of Hindu versus Muslim or BJP versus other parties."

He also said "that in its submission to the Supreme Court, the central government had clearly stated that there should not be any atrocity on women and there should be no discrimination on the basis of religion."

Taking at snipe at opposition parties, he said, "I am surprised that some political parties of the country in their lust for vote bank are hell-bent upon committing injustice to women in the 21st century. What kind of justice is this? Politics and elections have their own place but getting Muslim women their rights as per the Constitution is the responsibility of the government and the people of the country."

The Prime Minister, with all his faults, could not be clearer on how the laws should apply and what position governments should take when it comes to the intersection of religion and government. But above all, he is right to point out the issue of justice or lack thereof which is central to this debate.

What it "triple talaq" anyway? In short, it is a strand of Islamic law where a Muslim man can say the Arabic word "Talaq" three times and divorce his wife, sometimes arbitrarily and instantaneously. Because some Muslim leaders say it is Islamic law, they claim protection of this religious law under the Indian constitution.

In general, the Indian constitution guarantees the manner in which religion operates within the confines of its influence (Article 26: Freedom to manage religious affairs...every religious denomination or any section thereof shall have the right...to manage its own affairs in matters of religion.) However, if religious tenets become agents of injustice, often they are overruled by the legislature or the courts.

Muslim leaders in India say that the concept and practice of talaq is misused by some Muslim men and that the talaq itself is lawful and good under Islamic law. They are not in favour of it being declared unlawful because they claim that their religious law is protected by the Constitution and should be kept.

As for the alleged misuse of the talaq, Mohammad Jafar, a life member of the All India Muslim Personal Law Board, says the solution is to educate Muslim men, "as they have done something not permissible in Islam" by pronouncing instantaneous divorce. The government's solution is Uniform Civil Code and the Muslim women's network Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan (BMMA) wants it declared unconstitutional. A petition is currently being considered by the Supreme Court.

Are religious laws immune from the scrutiny of the government and the court?

Apparently not. The practice of triple talaq, according to many Muslims, is not a clearly defined Islamic law. Some Muslim countries actually prohibit it precisely because of the fact that it can and has been misused by Muslim men under the pretext that Islam has given them permission to do so.

According to Prem Anand Mishra, a research scholar in the Centre for West Asian studies in School of International Studies, JNU, New Delhi, "[m]ore than 20 Islamic countries including Egypt, Sudan, Jordan, Iran, Syria, Lebanon, Morocco, Iraq, and even Pakistan and Bangladesh, are updating Sharia laws relating to marriage and have imposed a court injunction against a husband pronouncing talaq."
http://www.indiatimes.com/news/india/everything-you-need-to-know-about-the-controversial-system-of-triple-talaq-and-why-it-should-be-abolished-254173.html

Are Muslim women in India subjected to the denial of their constitutional fundamental rights?

The Prime Minister and his government believes so. The Central government even told the Supreme Court that this Islamic law renders Muslim women “unequal and vulnerable.” Given the disadvantage they have faced and potentially continue to face under the practice of this Islamic law, the fundamental rights of Muslim women for equality under the law (i.e., government law) stands violated and under constant judgement.

The Prime Minister is right to denounce parts of a religious law which, when implemented, cause great harm to women and call for its abolition.

Why is the Prime Minister's stand important and relevant for Mizoram, a state that has nothing to do with this Islamic law? Because there is a similar struggle between religious authorities and government authorities on the issue of whether religious laws can trump constitutional fundmental rights of women.

In the case of Mizoram, the Baptist Church of Mizoram is the religious body in question and the women are pastors' wives.

Here's what happened.

In 2008, the Baptist Church of Mizoram's highest council - the Assembly - deliberated on the issue of strengthening pastoral ministry. It was generally agreed that pastors minister better when they are accompanied by their wives in their pastorates. A three-point agenda was clubbed into one where the means to achieve the desired goal of strengthening pastoral ministry has become the problem that caused atleast six couples' separation or divorce.

While the agenda raised a bit of a concern, none at the Assembly, including the top church officials, realised that they had just passed a resolution violating the BCM constitution and the constitution of India when the church resolved to ban all pastors' wives from full time work after 2015. The Baptist church's own constitutition declares that the defence of fundamental human rights is one of its prime objectives and the constitution of India under Article 19(1)(g) guarantees all citizens the right "to practise any profession, or to carry on any occupation, trade or business." Besides, the terms of service of pastors' wives who are government employees are governed by The Central Civil Services (Conduct) Rules, 1964 and not the church.

What is happening now?

As of today, the matter is in the hands of the Mizoram State Commission for Women under the leadership of Chairperson Vanlalawmpuii Chawngthu, MLA. The Baptist church has been asked to submit a written explanation of its decision and implementation which it has done.

The general belief among the Baptist church leaders is that the Church is immune from the constraints of the laws of the government and that it obeys a higher divine law. Hence, any church Assembly resolutions have divine sanction and may not be challenged even if it violates the constitution.

If the state's Women's Commission is unable to convey to the Baptist church leaders that the fundamental rights of citizens guaranteed in the constitution cannot be violated by the church, a fresh look at the case by perhaps the National Commission for Women may be warranted.

While the BJP-led government is not known for having sympathy towards Christians and other minorities, it is on the right side of the law when it comes to the defense of Muslim women's fundamental rights.

The Hindu-nationalist Prime Minister Narendra Modi is right when he says, "Muslim women cannot be allowed to be ruined by triple talaq." If brought to the attention of the National Commission for Women, they are most likely to say, "Baptist women cannot be allowed to be ruined by unconstitutional church resolutions."

They are also most likely to say getting Baptist pastors' wives "their rights as per the Constitution is the responsibility of the government and the people of the country."

The Mizoram State Commission for Women has a difficult but very important job to do. The Baptist church leaders will continue to assert the divine right of the church but the law is not on their side. Just as Islamic law cannot be used to perpetrate injustice, the church cannot use its Assembly or committees to violate the constitutional rights of women and subject them to an almost irreparable financial, emotional, physical and spiritual damage.

If and when the matter is properly addressed, the Baptist leaders will have no biblical verse or Baptist tradition supporting the banning of pastors' wives to work full time while the government (Commission) has the constitution on its side.

WHY MIZO?

The Indian government classifies me as a tribal and recognizes me as a Mizo. I am a Mizo and I am an Indian, I am a Christian too. However, not everyone from Mizoram feel the same way as I do. Allow me to share with you what I believe is important in this debate.

Why are tribals protected in India?

According to Professor Joseph W. Elder, "[i]n the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Indian and European reformers called on the British government of India to do something to improve the lot of India's most disadvantaged groups. The 1935 Government of India Act announced that certain 'degraded' groups in India would have special electoral representation in India's forthcoming elections. In anticipation, in 1936 India's provincial governments prepared lists ('schedules') of local groups meeting the 'degraded' criteria. Castes considered to be 'degraded' because they suffered ritual disabilities (such as denial of admission to Hindu temples) were called scheduled castes (SCs). Tribes considered to be 'degraded' were referred to as 'backward tribes.' The 1941 census recorded 24.5 million tribals (about 6.6% of India's population). In 1950, with the enactment of India's Constitution, these 'backward tribes' were referred to as scheduled tribes (STs)."

Professor Elder also believes that the "British authorities differed in their opinions regarding the policies they should implement in territories occupied primarily by tribal groups. They wanted the tribes in these territories to be peaceful, which meant restraining the 'criminal tribes.' They also wanted to protect tribal groups from rapacious outside traders, moneylenders, and landlords (the British failure to provide sufficient protection led to rebellions by the Santals, Oraons, Kols, Hos, Mundas, and other tribal groups)."

But long before the Government of India Act of 1919 which empowered the Governor-General to declare any tract of land in India to be a Backward Tract and in some cases Wholly Excluded Areas where no laws of British India could apply, there was the Bengal Eastern Frontier Regulations, 1873 which is the basis for what we now know as the Inner Line Permit. It is therefore clear that the British Government of India always had the protection of minorities in mind especially with regard to trade and commerce. However, their understanding of who constitutes a particular tribe and the natural areas they occupied was inadequate and many historical revisionists have argued that the British made big mistakes in drawing up boundaries that have become international borders and that it is an error of great magnitude that needs to be corrected. Another topic for another time.

How did we become a “Scheduled Tribe”?

The term ‘Scheduled Tribes’ first appeared in the Constitution of India. Article 366 (25) defined “Scheduled Tribes” as “such tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups within such tribes or tribal communities as are deemed under Article 342 to be Scheduled Tribes for the purposes of this constitution”.

Article 366 (25) of the Constitution of India refers to Scheduled Tribes as those communities, who are scheduled in accordance with Article 342 of the Constitution. This Article says that only those communities who have been declared as such by the President through an initial public notification or through a subsequent amending Act of Parliament will be considered to be Scheduled Tribes

Article 342 provides for specification of tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups within tribes or tribal communities which are deemed to be for the purposes of the Constitution the Scheduled Tribes in relation to that State or Union Territory. In pursuance of these provisions, the list of Scheduled Tribes are notified for each State or Union Territory and are valid only within the jurisdiction of that State or Union Territory and not outside.

The first specification of Scheduled Tribes in relation to a particular State/Union Territory is by a notified order of the President, after consultation with the State governments concerned. These orders can be modified subsequently only through an Act of Parliament. The above Article also provides for listing of scheduled tribes State/ Union Territory wise and not on an all India basis.

Since the enactment of the Constitution of India in 1950, the President of India has promulgated 9 orders specifying the names of the tribes and which state they belong to. It is important to note that this was done in consultation with the concerned State governments. When the President of India promulgated The Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order 1950 order on Sept 6, 1950, the people of Mizoram were still under the state of Assam. The list of the Zo tribes given to the President’s office by the government of Assam in 1950 were:

1)      Hmar

2)      Kuki

3)      Lakher

4)      Pawi

5)      Mizo

When and how did we become “Mizos”?

When the Mizo Common People's Union (later Mizo Union) was formed on 9th April 1946, the term “Mizo” was still a relatively new concept. The leaders of the newly formed political party were from different clans of the Zo tribe. None of them were ever “Mizo.” But by the time they came together, there was a common identity that was already born in the hearts and minds of the majority of the Zo people in what is now Mizoram. While it is doubtful that the other Zo clans/tribes in the south viz., the Mara or Lai tribes readily identified as Mizos, the bigger clans/tribes clearly defined the emerging identity of the people of Mizoram. When the MNF launched its war of independence, most, if not all, able bodied young men (and perhaps women) were ready to die under the name of the Mizo “nation” and for Mizoram. In fact, every martyr of the Mizo National Army who gave his life in the 20 year-fight with the Indian government died not as a Hmar, Lusei, Mara, Lai, Paite or Kuki but as a Mizo patriot.

According to R.Zamawia, Defence Minister of the former underground MNF government, the term Mizo is most inclusive, and during the freedom struggle there is no Zo clan or tribe that was known to have rejected the term Mizo. However, in order to escape persecution by the Indian army, people would often identify as “Hmar” or “Lakher” or “Pawi” or “Paite” etc.

It is evident that when President Rajendra Prasad promulgated the first ST order in 1950, the advice given to him (as in the office of the President of India) by then-Chief Minister Gopinath Bordoloi’s government of Assam and subsequent Chief Minister Bishnu Ram Medhi’s government did not take into account what was already happening amongst the Zo people of the erstwhile Lushai District. We donot exactly know what communications transpired between leaders of the Lushai District and Chief Ministers Bordoloi and Medhi’s government but what we know for certain is the fact that the State government of Assam had consented to the separate registration of the Zo peoples as Hmar, Kuki, Lakher, Pawi and Mizo tribes. We really donot know why the leaders of the then-Lushai District did not insist that the 4 Zo tribes (Hmar, Kuki, Lakher, Pawi) in Mizoram were part of the larger Mizo tribe that was quickly being formed.

In fact, in less than 4 years after the promulgation of the tribe list, on 29th April, 1954, by an Act of Parliament, with these words “[t]he tribal area in Assam now known as the Lushai Hills District shall, as from the commencement of this Act, be known as the Mizo District,” the name Lushai was effectively and officially changed to Mizo.

 Who, then, is a Mizo?

The question “Who is a Mizo?” is difficult for some to answer and it really boils down to choice. Over the last few weeks, we have been asking ourselves what appear to be obvious and ridiculous questions such as "Who is a Mizo?", "Is a Hmar, Lai, Mara, Kuki, Paite a Mizo as much as a Pachuau or a Sailo is?", "Is a member of a non-Lusei tribe/clan a Mizo?" or even questions as outrageous as this one - "Can children of non-Mizo fathers be considered Mizos?"

Hundreds, if not thousands, of people engaged in the discussions generated on social media. Some, understandably, are outraged at even the slightest suggestion that Maras or Lais or Hmars or Paites or Kukis are not "Mizos". Surprisingly, some Mizos or the Zo people of Mizoram still have a long way to go in terms of understanding and defining cultural identity.

Dancing around the bush and approaching the issue with political correctness and senseless sensitivity have not worked in the past and will most likely fail to produce positive results in the future. Therefore, as a proud, resilient and forward thinking people, it will be best for the people of Mizoram need to start to re-engage in dealing with this issue openly and directly.

According to the Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Government of India, there are 15 tribes in Mizoram. Among the 15 tribes, Kukis, Hmars, Paite, Lakhers and Pawis are registered as separate tribes and they donot fall under the Mizo tribe. Therefore, by law, Kukis, Hmars, Paite, Lakhers and Pawis in Mizoram are not Mizos even if everything they believe about themselves is Mizo. Those with a clear understanding of the implication of Acts of Parliament believe that this is a profound error that legally divides us.

It is an affront to many people in Mizoram who have always considered themselves Mizos but are of the Kukis, Hmars, Paite, Lakhers and Pawis tribes. Former Minister F.Lawmkima, Former MP Dr HT Sangliana, singer Rebecca Saimawii, Speaker Hiphei and the new Miss Mizoram Rody Tepuii are, by law, not Mizos because they belong to one of the five other Zo tribes and not the Mizo tribe as listed. Unfortunately, that is where we are at the moment.

On March 7^th, the Home Department of the Government of Mizoram issued a public notice inviting virtually everyone to submit suggestions in its effort to have the Scheduled Tribe List amended. Unless the government extends the deadline, today is the last day for the people of Mizoram to hand in their suggestions and recommendations.

This thing called the Tribal Certificate

Did you know that you can only get a Tribal Certificate under the name of your tribe? If a Fanai, for example, which a Pawi clan is issued a Tribal Certificate by the Deputy Commmissioner's office, he will have the name of his tribe "Pawi" written and not “Mizo”. (This is an old term the Lai people donot use anymore but still in the law books.) To obtain a Tribal Certificate, one needs to get a Community Certificate from the Local Council or Village Council. A committee called the Scrutiny Committee will verify the authenticity of the applicant’s claim i.e. whether his is a Lai, Mara, Kuki, Paite, Hmar or Mizo and validate the Community Certificate. Only then can you go to the DC's office and request for a Tribal Certificate with the name of your tribe as written in your Community Certificate.

People who falsely obtain a Community Certificate can be fined and jailed for upto 2 years. The same goes for the people that issue it. For example, if the son of a Mara man and a Lai woman living in Aizawl, fully identifying as a Mizo, tries to obtain a "Mizo" Community Certificate and subsequently a "Mizo" Tribal Certificate, he can be fined and jailed for breaking the law because he is by tradition a Mara.

Last year, there was an interesting case of an individual whose "Mizo" Tribal Certificate issued by the Aizawl DC's office was rejected by the Home department even though his Local Council and locality NGOs declared him to be "considered a Mizo." The DC's office had already issued him aMizo Tribal Certificate based on the Community Certificate issued by the Local Council and validated by the Screening Committee headed by the Jt Secretary of the Home department.

This individual's father is reported to be a Nepali, and therefore by established custom and law, many say he is not a Mizo or any of the six Zo tribes.

This calls into question the issue of whether children born of non-Mizo fathers can become Mizos. (At this point, we shall refer to all the Zo tribes of Mizoram as Mizos). The question of whether or not children of a non-Scheduled Tribe fathers can be considered eligible to enjoy the privileges of a Scheduled Tribe is also a hotly debated topic. Despite popular belief, you will be surprised to discover that children of non-Mizo, non tribal fathers can be considered by the society as their own and the law may even give legal sanction to this cultural practice. 

A clear example is the President of the Central YMA. Lalbiakzuala is the son of the son of an Englishman by the name of John Miller who married the granddaughter of Mizo legend Chawngbawla. The CYMA President’s family is one of the most respected families among the Mizo people. One of his uncles is the founding member of the two biggest church youth organisations in Mizoram - KTP and TKP. His family is well regarded among the Mizo people and never has there been a legal challenge or even a social one against him and his family on his identity as a Mizo or otherwise. He and his family are fully accepted as Mizos by the Mizo community and there is not one reason for them to feel like they are not even though they have an English surname. We also have the Murray family in Mizoram who are fully accepted by the community. The Hallidays are also another family fully accepted into the Mizo community.

There are several cases of children and grandchildren non-Mizo, non-tribal fathers who have been considered Mizos because of events and circumstances. We can truly say these brothers and sisters are uniquely Mizos and the Mizo society has never rejected them. The adoption of a different community by another community is not a new concept. Even the old Mizo society may have practised it. And we are certainly practising it today.

We often say our identity is in our blood. True. But Mizo-ness, it seems, may also be of the heart.

The Christian perspective

Most Zo peoples are Christians and are supposed to believe and live according to the teachings of the Bible.

Jesus said his mission was to seek and save the lost (Luke 19:10) and his command to all who follow him (not pastors, church elders or missionaries but every Christian) is to "go and make disciples of all nations." (Matthew 28:18-20)

Bible scholars say the word "nations" Jesus used here, as recorded in the original Greek language, is "ethne", the word from which we get the English word "ethnic."

For those unfamiliar with Christianity and what it is about, the essence of Jesus' message is God's love and forgiveness for all humanity. And Jesus commanded his followers to preach the same message to all the "nations" of the world.

Some British Christians did just that to the Mizo people and history has never been the same again.

Rev William Williams visited the Lushai country on March 15, 1891 not as an agent of the British government trying to further subdue the heading-hunting Lushai and other Zo tribes but to explore the possibility of preaching the gospel. Rev FW Savidge and Rev JH Lorrain arrived three years later on Jan 11, 1894. They too had a clear mission although they had to go back after a few years. Six years later, on Sept 26, 1907, Rev JH Lorrain's brother Rev RA Lorrain and his wife arrived among the Mara people with the same purpose. Rev FW Savidge and Rev JH Lorrain re-entered Mizoram on March 13, 1903 as missionaries of the Baptist Missionary Society in England. According to the Lairam Baptists, "[t]he work of the Baptist Missionary Society (BMS) of England in the early 20th Century was the beginning of the Christianity among the indigenous people of Lairam (Lai land) who were called Lai."

These three ethnic peoples - Mara, Lusei and Lai - were reached by the Welsh and English missionaries with the gospel message because of the direct command of Jesus Christ as found in Matthew 28. Today, these ethnic peoples, including other Zo tribes and clans, collectively known as the Mizo people, embrace Christianity as their religion and pretty much their way of life.

Christians believe God made every ethnic people group the way they are. Some are very different to others in language and customs and according to the Bible, our ethnicity will continue even in eternity. In Revelations 7:9, John talks about his vision of seeing a "great multitude that no one could count, from every nation, tribe, people and language, standing before the throne."

Our ethnic identity is a gift from God moulded by time. We should cherish and embrace it wholeheartedly. But with the appearance of Jesus on the scene, a new covenant was established. Something changed radically. The old order of things was replaced by something totally new. Perhaps, this is best captured in the letter to Galatians 3:26-29 where it says, "So in Christ Jesus you are all children of God through faith, for all of you who were baptized into Christ have clothed yourselves with Christ. There is neither Jew nor Gentile, neither slave nor free, nor is there male and female, for you are all one in Christ Jesus. If you belong to Christ, then you are Abraham’s seed, and heirs according to the promise."

This new reality is truly a radical shift from the old, rigid, ethnic and racial divide because it declares oneness in Christ and essentially nullifies all racial and ethnic lines. So, a follower of Jesus, regardless of ethnic identity, shares a new Christian family identity with his fellow Christians even from a totally different ethnic group. We know from the verses above that Bible teaching is clear on the irrelevance of ethnic differences, social status and gender. These things matter in the secular world, but for followers of the teaching of the Bible these are of secondary and not primary importance.

This teaching of the Bible, is perhaps, the reason why majority of the ethnically distinct peoples of Mizoram - Lai, Mara, Hmar, Paite, Kuki and Lusei - have little problem living together as brothers and sisters.

What next?

The Government of India also recognises that “[t]he inclusion of a community as a Scheduled Tribe is an ongoing process” and we must rightly work toward unity, where it is possible, because there is still a lot of work to be done.

In light of the fact that a Mizo identity has been established and has been sealed with the blood of the martyrs, it would be highly irresponsible for us to go back to our own sub-ethnic identities. The new reality is the Mizo identity and this has never not been upheld since its inception. While there are some that donot subscribe to it, the majority of the Zo people in Mizoram do. And rightly so.

Because we are divided into six different tribes, we need to come to a consensus before we start any initiative to have the ST list amended. And when we do, we need to give our Lok Sabha Member of Parliament the full backing and authority to speak on behalf of all the Mizo people and insist on the introduction of a Bill that will finally correct the 67 year-old error.

If I am from a Zo indigenous tribe and I accept my identity as a Mizo, then I am a Mizo. Even if my father is from a non-Zo community, I still am a Mizo if I have fully embraced the Mizo culture and identity as my only culture and identity.

As for the government, it needs to wait. March 31st is over but the people of Mizoram have not even started a meaningful discussion. Perhaps the Mizoram government can encourage community leaders to think hard about our identity and the need to rectify it. (Remember, you can go to jail for obtaining a TC with the incorrect tribe name!)

Clearly the original promulgation of The Constitution (Scheduled Tribes) Order 1950 does not reflect the reality of who we are or does it?

I would like to think it does not. And it should not because, in Mizoram, we are the Mizo people.